Categories
Biblical Studies Isaiah

Isaiah 13-24

Background

This section of First Isaiah is commonly called the “oracles against the nations.” The prophet utters oracles concerning Babylon, Assyria, Phillistia, Moab, Damascus, Ethiopia (Cush), Egypt, Dumah, Arabia (“the desert plain”), Kedar, and Tyre. All of these are oracles of judgment. The markers on the map below show the cities and regions mentioned. They include the superpowers of the day — Egypt, Assyria, and Babylon — and other important city states and tribal regions, all of which surround Jerusalem.

Map Source: The Baker Atlas of Christian History

There are also, however, oracles against Israel and Judah in this section. So, while one theme of the oracles is that God will judge the nations that are not his own, judgment extends also to God’s own people.

It’s likely that each of these oracles were uttered and published by Isaiah and his associates at various times during his ministry in response to specific threats and circumstances. Scholars offer various theories about what these specific events might have involved, but for the most part there is little consensus.

The overall canonical shape of these oracles as they are knit together in the text of First Isaiah supports the theme of God’s governance over history. From the perspective of First Isaiah, each of these nations — including, at times, Israel and Judah — tried to assert their governing authority and autonomy against Yahweh. It’s important to recall that there is no concept of “separation of church and state” in the ancient near east. Each of these nations aligned themselves with various deities, and many of them asserted that their rulers were living gods. Their claims to authority, then, were direct claims against Yahweh.

The oracles mention several means of judgment, including war, famine, and economic collapse. These judgments are depicted as acts of Yahweh. Wars, famines, and economic crises, of course, were common threats in the ancient near east, just as they are today. First Isaiah depicts the “natural” and “supernatural” as a seamless whole and ascribes Divine purpose to history. But there are also immediately “supernatural” elements to some of the oracles. The stars and constellations, the sun and the moon, understood in the ancient near east as cosmic beings, participate directly in some of the judgments, and where there were once vibrant human communities, the animals and “goat-demons” dance. (13:10, 21-22.)

Although the oracles target specific nations and cities, the scope of Yahweh’s judgment is often depicted as universal: he will “make the heavens tremble, and the earth will be shaken out of its place” (13:13); he will “lay waste to the earth and make it desolate” (24:1). At the same time — surprisingly — there are notes of apocalyptic hope even for the powers outside Judah. Egypt, Assyria, and Tyre are depicted as receiving restoration from Yahweh. (19:23-25; 23:17-18.) Chapter 19 concludes with an astonishing blessing from Yahweh: “Blessed be Egypt my people, and Assyria the work of my hands, and Israel my heritage.” (19:25.)

While most of the oracles are delivered in poetic stanzas, there are also some prose passages. One of the most interesting is in chapter 20. Yahweh instructs Isaiah to wander around Jerusalem naked and barefoot as a sign to the Egyptians and Ethiopians that Assyria will control them. This kind of performative sign-oracle occurs frequently in the Hebrew Scriptures’ prophetic literature. We might imagine this kind of activity as a sort of protest performance art by the prophet in some public venue.

Focus: 14:12-20

This section appears in an oracle against Babylon. It is famous in Christian history because the title “Day Star” (helel), translated “Lucifer” in Latin, was taken to refer to Satan. The immediate reference is to the King of Babylon — possibly one of the Babylonian kings who ruled not long before Tiglath-Peleser III of Assyria conquered Babylon. The names helel and ben-sahar (Son of the Morning), however, also draw on Canaanite mythology. The text recognizes, then, that the King of Babylon claims some kind of divine lineage. The text doesn’t deny that the King of Babylon possesses some kind of divine or supernatural power. However, it declares that this power is no match for Yahweh.

Another interesting example of this kind of response to a temporal King’s claim to divinity occurs in Ezekiel 28. In the first part of Ezekiel 28, the prophet declares to the King of Tyre, “your heart is proud and you have said ‘I am a god. . . yet you are a mortal, and no god. . . .” (Ezekiel 28:2). Here, the prophet outright denies the King’s claim to divinity. In the same chapter, however, there is another oracle against the King of Tyre, in which Yahweh says

You were the signet of perfection,
full of wisdom and perfect in beauty.
You were in Eden, the garden of God;
every precious stone was your covering
. . . .
You were blameless in your ways
from the day that you were created,
until iniquity was found in you.
In the abundance of your trade
you were filled with violence, and you sinned;
so I cast you as a profane thing from the mountain of God,
and the guardian cherub drove you out
from among the stones of fire.

Ezekiel 28:12-16

Notice how Ezekiel’s oracle against the King of Tyre depicts the King as a kind of semi-divine being, and also as Adam. Notice also that the oracle refers to the city and its King interchangeably. Similarly, the oracle against Babylon refers both the the city / nation and to the King, and is cast in cosmic terms.

Some questions on this section:

  • We have been suggesting that Isaiah is a form of “political theology.” How would you describe the political theology of First Isaiah? Is any of this relevant to our contemporary circumstances?
  • How does the cosmic dimension of good and evil — God and the “Morning Star” — inform your understanding of the world? How might it affect how you conduct your daily life?

Focus: 19:16-25

This section concludes an oracle against Egypt. In the context of the Hebrew Scriptures’ broader narrative, and also coming on the heels of the oracle of judgment, this section is astonishing. As Brueggemann notes, “[t]he remarkable fact of this rhetoric is that it replicates the ancient Exodus narrative.” (Brueggemann, First Isaiah, 162.) Egypt will be brought into “hard service,” cry out, and be rescued by God, just like Israel when enslaved by Egypt. In the conclusion to this section, as Brueggemann notes, “[t]he oracle takes three pet names by which Yahweh characterizes Israel — ‘my people,’ ‘the work of my hands,’ and ‘my heritage’ — and generously redeploys them across the Fertile Crescent.” (Brueggemann, First Isaiah, 153.)

Some questions on this section:

  • What does this section tell you about God’s grace? About God’s plan for history?
  • In the context of First Isaiah, is this section suggesting that Egypt is rewarded for becoming like Israel? If Israel is also judged, what does that say about God’s plan for history?

Focus: 24:1-13; 21-23

This is a harsh judgment oracle that seems to summarize all the previous judgments against the nations as a judgment of the whole earth. Notice that this catastrophe levels the poor and rich and affects the natural environment on which people depend for sustenance. The last part of this oracle is cosmic in scope: God judges both heavenly beings and kings, who once again are depicted as somehow connected, as well as the moon and the sun.

  • How and why do God’s judgments affect the natural environment? Can we say that our current environmental crisis is a judgment of God?
  • Is God’s judgment arbitrary? Is it constrained by anything outside God?

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Categories
Biblical Studies Isaiah

Isaiah 7-12

Background

These chapters continue the oracles of First Isaiah. Most scholars agree that these oracles date to Isaiah ben Amoz, though they probably were edited and arranged at later dates. In chapter 7, we are in the reign of King Ahaz of Judah, who is pictured in the Bible as a bad King. The Northern Kingdom of Israel and the Kingdom of Aram allied to attack Jerusalem in Judah. Aram, the home of the Aramaeans, was located in present day Syria, on the northern border of Israel:

By Oldtidens_Israel, Wikimedia Commons

Biblical Scholar Walter Bruggemann describes these chapters as the challenge of fear versus faith. The heart of the people of Judah, Isaiah 7:2 says, “shook as the trees of the forest shake before the wind.” In verse 2, Ahaz is referred to by the title “the House of David.” This suggests that the threat concerned the future of the entire Davidic dynasty, and therefore implied whether God would really keep his covenant with the nation.

Yahweh instructs Isaiah to bring his son Shear-jashub to confront Ahaz and to challenge Ahaz to be brave. Shear-jashub means “a remnant shall return,” so the son’s name invokes judgment as well as hope. Isaiah’s charge from Yahweh summarizes the key message of these oracles: “If you do not stand firm in faith, you shall not stand at all” (7:9).

Yahweh invites Ahaz to ask for a sign about how the threat from the north will affect Judah. Ahaz refuses (7:11-12). Although Ahaz’s refusal to ask for a sign is stated in pious terms, it seems he is in fact afraid to hear what God might have to say. Isaiah then offers a number of signs and statements of judgment, but with a final note of hope.

Focus: 7:14-17

The first sign Isaiah gives Ahaz is famous because of how it has been taken up in Christian thought: “Look, the young woman is with child and shall bear a son, and shall name him Immanuel.”

This sign is mentioned in the infancy narrative of Jesus in Matthew 1:

All this took place to fulfill what the Lord had said through the prophet: “The virgin will conceive and give birth to a son, and they will call him Immanuel” (which means ‘God with us). (Matt. 1 22)

It is also alluded to in Luke 1:

How will this be,” Mary asked the angel, “since I am a virgin?” The angel answered, “The Holy Spirit will come on you, and the power of the Most High will overshadow you. So the holy one to be born will be called the Son of God(Luke 1:34-35).

The Christian tradition thus has taken the sign to Ahaz as a sign about Jesus as messiah. Further, the Christian tradition has emphasized the virgin birth as a miracle with theological significance. For Christians in the Catholic tradition, the virgin birth is tied closely to an explanation of how Jesus could have been born without the taint of original sin. For both Eastern Orthodox and Catholic Christians, the virgin birth is connected with Mary’s purity and with practices of Marian devotion. Here’s where this text is used in Handel’s Messiah:

The Hebrew word ‘alma means a young woman of marriageable age, but is not a specific word for a “virgin.” The Greek translation of the Hebrew Scriptures in common use when the Gospels were written uses the word “virgin.” In the modern period, some scholars have questioned whether the notion of the virgin birth therefore rests on a mistake.

As Bruggemann notes, in its original context Isaiah’s sign is not about a virgin birth. It is, rather, about the innocent young woman, the child’s name (God With Us) and the propitious time of the birth, as a sign of reassurance that Yahweh will not allow Israel and Syria to prevail if Ahaz relies on Yahweh. However, as Bruggemann also notes, this doesn’t make the subsequent Christian tradition “wrong.” The scriptures are pregnant (pun intended) with meaning, and the New Testament frequently draws out Christological implications from the Hebrew Scriptures that likely were not on the horizon of the original writers and editors.

Some questions on this section:

  • Walter Bruggemann notes that “[f]aith (‘stand firm in faith’) is not a matter of intellectual content or cognitive belief. It is rather a matter of quite practical reliance upon the assurance of God in a context of risk where one’s own resources are not adequate.” (Bruggemmann, Isaiah Vol. 1, 67.) We all are having to do this during the time of COVID. What does this mean for you?
  • Do you see any reassuring signs of “God With Us” today?
  • How might this example of how the Christian tradition took up the sign of the young woman and the child inform your reading of scripture?

Focus: 9:2-6

Our next focus section provides another example of a sign relating to a child that has been taken up into the Christian tradition. Part of this passage is mentioned in Matthew 4:12-17:

When Jesus heard that John had been put in prison, he withdrew to Galilee. Leaving Nazareth, he went and lived in Capernaum, which was by the lake in the area of Zebulun and Naphtali— to fulfill what was said through the prophet Isaiah:

“Land of Zebulun and land of Naphtali,
the Way of the Sea, beyond the Jordan,
Galilee of the Gentiles—
the people living in darkness
have seen a great light;
on those living in the land of the shadow of death
a light has dawned.”
From that time on Jesus began to preach, “Repent, for the kingdom of heaven has come near.”

Again, this is a very free use of Isaiah by the author of Matthew, but the original context doesn’t necessarily render the Christian usage “wrong.” Jesus is depicted in the New Testament as a rightful heir to David’s throne. (See Matthew 1.)

Here is where 9:2 appears in Handel’s

And here is 9:6:

In its original context, this text seems to refer to God’s promise to keep his covenant regarding the Davidic Kingdom. If Ahaz cannot remain steadfast and faithful, God will provide another King in David’s line.

Some questions on this section:

  • How do the various titles ascribed to the child resonate with you? Do any of them reflect your experience of Jesus?
  • Can Christians use this text in a way that is not supercessionist — that is, in a way that understands it first as a text of Jewish hope?

Focus: 10:1-6, 20-26

This section repeats some themes we saw in Week 1. One of the basic sins of Judah’s rulers was oppression of the poor; this sin will be judged; and Yahweh will preserve a remnant in Israel.

Focus: 11:1-9

This section is another promise about the Davidic line that Christian thought has understood Christologically. The reference to the “spirit of the LORD” has also been understood in the Christian tradition to refer to the Holy Spirit. Again, the Christian reading goes beyond the original historical context, but can be seen as a creative use of the text in light of the experience of Jesus.

This section also includes the famous eschatological image of the wolf living with the lamb (the lion actually lies with the calf), a vision of a restored creation that also reverberates throughout the New Testament, particularly in the letters of Paul and in the book of Revelation.

Some questions on this section:

  • What do you think is the significance of the image of a shoot growing out of a stump? Do you see new shoots growing out of dead stumps anywhere today?
  • How do you understand some of the images of the eschatological kingdom in this text? How might those images inform your hope?
Categories
Biblical Studies Isaiah

Isaiah 1-6

Setting

Scholars call Isaiah 1-39 “First Isaiah.” There is general agreement that the oracles in these chapters originally derive from Isaiah Ben Amoz and/or people associated with him. Some scholars argue that the underlying materials in First Isaiah were heavily edited in later centuries.

Verse 1 tells us that the text presents “the vision” (chazon) of Isaiah concerning Judah and Jerusalem during the time of Kings Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah. By this time the Jewish nation had been divided into the Northern Kingdom of Israel and the Southern Kingdom of Judah. The Kingdom of Judah encompassed the holy city of Jerusalem, which contained the First Temple originally built by King Solomon. This graphic shows the Kings of Israel and Judah:

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kings_of_Israel_and_Judah

It’s difficult to know precisely when some of these different Kings ruled. There is extra-Biblical (archeological and textual) evidence, however, to support the existence of many of these Kings, and we do know the dates of some key events mentioned in the narratives. During the period encompassed by this part of Isaiah, Israel and Judah came under increasing pressure from the Kingdom of Assyria.

The Biblical text tells us Uzziah reigned for 52 years. Judah became powerful and prosperous under Uzziah, but the Bible depicts him as deeply flawed. Uzziah’s son, Jotham, took the throne when Uzziah was struck with leprosy for offering incense in the Temple — an act seen as an usurpation of Uzziah’s authority. Only the Priests, who had been consecrated to God, were supposed to perform this function. Jotham, the Bible says, reigned for 16 years until he was deposed by a group that supported his son, Ahaz. Jotham is generally depicted as a good King in the Bible, but not a perfect one, particularly because Jotham failed to preserve the overall morality and piety of the people. Ahaz is depicted in the Bible as an evil King who gave in to the Assyrians, both politically and religiously. Upon his death after 16 years in power, Ahaz was succeeded by his son Hezekiah, who reigned for 29 years according to the Bible. Hezekiah, the Bible says, was a highly righteous King, who rolled back the syncretism introduced by Ahaz — although, again, not a perfect one.

During Hezekiah’s reign, the Northern Kingdom of Israel was destroyed by King Sargon of Assyria. After Sargon died his son, Sennacherib, became King of Assyria and attacked Judah. Sennacherib’s army laid siege to Jerusalem, but, according to the Bible, God miraculously destroyed the Assyrian army and the siege was turned away. There is an Assyrian inscription which admits that Hezekiah did not submit to Sennacherib but which claims Hezekiah later paid him tribute money.

Here’s a picture of the “Sennacharib Prism,” which contains the Assyrian inscription:

Source: David Castor, Public Domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=6586412

Here’s a translation of the cuneiform on the Sennacherib Prism that mentions Hezekiah:

Here’s a portion of the wall built by Hezekiah to withstand the Assyrian siege:

Source: By Lior Golgher – Own work, CC BY-SA 2.5, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=1830495

And here is part of the Siloam Tunnel, dug by Hezekiah to provide water to Jerusalem during the siege:

Source: By DANIEL WONG from Newark, CA, USA – Hezekiah’s Tunnel, CC BY-SA 2.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=5701779

The oracles in First Isaiah, then, cover a huge amount of territory — a period of about 64 years, from the end of Uzziah’s reign until the start of Hezekiah’s — during a tumultuous time in the life of Israel and Judah. It’s important to remember that the oracles in First Isaiah relate to specific events or issues in Judean society during this stretch of time. We are not entirely sure how these oracles were recorded and collected for publication, either in their original form or in the final canonical form of the book of Isaiah. We might imagine Isaiah sitting at his desk feverishly writing on a scroll with a quill pen, but that is not the likely scenario. It’s more likely that there were scribes attached to Isaiah and his school or movement, who perhaps published some of Isaiah’s sayings at critical times and then arranged and edited them into collections.

As we mentioned in our Introduction and Overview, Prophets played a unique role in ancient Israel during the time of the Kings. There was no concept of “separation of religion and state” in ancient Israel or otherwise in the ancient near east. However, in ancient Israel and Judah, the King and the Priests played different official functions under the Law. Prophets, in contrast, did not have an official civic function under the Law. Nevertheless, important Prophets, including Isaiah, could influence civic and religious policy. At the same time, Prophets, again including Isaiah, could criticize both Kings and Priests for failures to fulfill their roles, in particular in leading the nation to follow God’s Law and enact justice. Prophets were consulted for insight from Yahweh about momentous decisions, but their role usually was more about forthtelling — explaining why things are the way they are — than foretelling the future.

General Themes

Chapters 1-6 of First Isaiah establish what will become a familiar pattern of alternating oracles of judgment and oracles of hope. Notice that the oracles of judgment focus on the decline of the nation and of its cities — its cultural, economic, and religious centers, including in particular Jerusalem. As 1:7 puts it, “Your country lies desolate, your cities are burned with fire. . . .” The judgment oracles often sound xenophobic to our modern ears: 1:7 further says that, “in your very presence aliens devour your land; it is desolate, as overthrown by foreigners.” One of the central themes of the Law was that Israel should remain distinct from foreign idolatrous nations.

Focus Sections

Our first “focus” section, 1:18-26, includes a famous text: “Come now, let us reason [argue it out] together.” Notice God’s appeal to the people to enter into discussion or argumentation with God. God judges the nation’s unfaithfulness, but continually remains available for renewal if the nation wishes to return to Him. This section also establishes God’s primary complaints against His people: “Everyone loves a bribe and runs after gifts. They do not defend the orphan, and the widow’s case does not come before them.”

Some questions on this section:

  • Do you ever hear God’s invitation to reason / argue things out?
  • What do the images of scarlet / crimson sins and snow / white wool suggest for you?

Our second “focus” section, 2:1-4, illustrates the kind of eschatological hope continually held out in Isaiah in between the oracles of judgment. It also contains a famous line about “beating swords into plowshares.” Because it is an eschatological vision, we should be careful about interpreting these images too literally. A tradition did develop among some Jewish interpreters, however, that imagined a literal future highway running from surrounding nations into Jerusalem and to God’s Temple. Notice that there is an apparent contrast here from the seeming xenophobia of the previous oracles of judgment: the nations are welcomed into Jerusalem. This vision reverberates into the New Testament — compare Revelation 21:24-27, in which the nations are welcomed into the New Jerusalem.

Some questions on this section:

  • How do you understand the hope offered in this section? Can a hope like this still sustain us today?

Our third focus section, 3:16 to 4:1, is part of a judgment oracle. It can sound sexist to modern ears. The theme, however, is about how the elites of Judean society had adopted Assyrian fashions, aspirations, and manners. They had become arrogant and secure in their wealth, disregarding the threat Assyria posed to the basic identity and existence of God’s people. Notice that God appears as a prosecutor arguing his case as well as the Judge (3:13-14).

Some questions on this section:

  • How would you compare God’s invitation to argument in 1:18 with his argument in this oracle?
  • What do you see as the core evils identified in this oracle? What might be an analogous warning for us today?

Our final focus section, 6:1-13, presents an awesome vision of Isaiah before the Heavenly Throne. Compare this vision with John the Seer’s vision in Revelation 4. This section also includes the famous scene in which a seraph purifies Isaiah for prophetic speech with a hot coal.

  • What does Isaiah’s vision tell us about God? What might it say about our practices of prayer and worship?
  • Have you ever experienced God’s purification as a preparation for some ministry or other part of your life?
Categories
1 Corinthians Biblical Studies

1 Corinthians 15 and 16: The Resurrection of the Body; Concluding Pastoral Concerns

If Chapter 13, the “love chapter,” is one of the greatest texts in the New Testament, Chapter 15, the “resurrection chapter,” is one of the most theologically weighty.

The Gospel

Paul first reminds the Corinthians of the “good news” — the euangelion, the gospel — he proclaimed to them and that they received. Paul says the gospel he passes on is the same one he received. Notice that “the gospel,” verses 3-7, is the story of Christ’s death “for our sins” and of his resurrection, all “according to the scriptures.” “The gospel” is not a theory of the atonement — of how exactly Christ’s death is “for” our sins. Nor is “the gospel” a theory of the mechanics of conversion. Of course, “the gospel” invites contemplation of theories of atonement, and even more, the gospel invites our grateful response of faith. But “the gospel” itself is simply the story of Christ according to the scriptures.

When Paul uses the phrase “according to the scriptures” here he is not referring to the New Testament, which had not yet been compiled, and certainly not to his own letters, which he probably did not think of as “scripture.” He was referring to the Hebrew Scriptures. For Paul, then, the story of Christ was already contained in the Hebrew Scriptures. But the Hebrew Scriptures, read within their own original frame of reference, do not clearly predict the “Christ” Paul describes, at least not when read before Christ Jesus’ advent. Jesus himself, and the church that bore witness to Jesus’ life, death, and resurrection, saw the narratives and prophetic and wisdom texts of the Hebrew Scriptures with fresh eyes in light of their experience. Jesus Christ is the interpretive principle. Jesus Christ is the gospel.

What Paul received, and what he passes on, is a witness to the event of Jesus Christ. Paul says he “proclaimed” (euēngelisamēn) the gospel (euangelion) and the “word” (logō) (15:1), that the story of Christ’s resurrection is “proclaimed” (kēryssetai) and is a form of “proclamation” (kērygma) (15:12, 14), and that Paul and the other Apostles’ “testify” or bear witness (martureó) (15:15) to the resurrection. This constellation of terms, all collected in one place, demonstrates that the gospel Paul passes along is a well-known, foundational narrative that runs from the first Apostles through Paul to the Corinthians — and to us (15:11).

The Resurrection

Despite the central narrative of Christ’s death and resurrection, it seems some in the Corinthian congregation did not believe in the resurrection of the dead. (15:12.) Perhaps some of these Corinthians were Jewish Christians who believed in a general resurrection of the dead at the end of history, as did the Pharisees and other Second Temple Jewish groups, but questioned why the Christ, the Messiah, would rise first.

It seems, though, that the people Paul addresses here do not think the dead can rise at all. Perhaps, then, some of these Corinthians were gentile skeptics about the possibility of a bodily resurrection, like those Paul encountered in Athens (see Acts 17:32). The Greek philosopher Plato believed in the immortality of the soul (or at least, of parts of the soul), and thought the soul was subsequently reborn in different bodies. Aristotle believed in the soul but it is not clear that he though the soul was immortal. Greek skeptics did not believe in the immortality of the soul at all. None of the Greek philosophers or their Roman heirs believed in the resurrection of the body.

Paul states that Christ is raised from the dead, “the first fruits (aparché) of those who have died.” And the resurrection of Christ is central to the gospel, because “death” (thanatos) is the consequence of sin. (15:21-22). The gospel is good news because it changes the reality of death.

In verses 21-22, Paul draws a parallel between Christ and Adam. Adam, a human being, introduced sin and death; Christ, a human being, introduced resurrection. Adam was the firstfruits of death; Christ is the firstfruits of resurrection. We should not press this metaphor into a theology of “original sin,” which is not really present here or elsewhere in Paul, and we certainly shouldn’t take this is a some kind of modern “scientific” statement about human origins. The point is that humanity, at its root, from its deepest origins as humanity, embraces sin and death. Having been given the gift of our created being, we choose to de-create ourselves. But Christ, the true Adam, re-creates us, through the power of his resurrection, which defeats death.

Notice that “death” here is personified as one of the powers. The resurrection of Christ is an apocalyptic event that inaugurates the end of present age, which culminates when Christ subjugates all of God’s enemies — and “the last enemy to be destroyed is death.” (15:26.) At the end of history, everything, including the Son Paul says, will be subject to God the Father, “so that God may be all in all.” (As we have discussed before, there are Trinitarian themes in Paul’s thought but he did not have a worked-out theology of the Trinity. This statement about Christ being subject to the Father by later standards would be considered subordinationist.)

In verses 25 and 27 Paul alludes to some of the “scriptures” he mentioned earlier. In verse 25, the reference is to Psalm 10, which says:

The Lord says to my lord:
“Sit at my right hand
until I make your enemies
a footstool for your feet.”
The Lord will extend your mighty scepter from Zion, saying,
“Rule in the midst of your enemies!”
Your troops will be willing
on your day of battle.
Arrayed in holy splendor,
your young men will come to you
like dew from the morning’s womb.
The Lord has sworn
and will not change his mind:
“You are a priest forever,
in the order of Melchizedek.”
The Lord is at your right hand;
he will crush kings on the day of his wrath.
He will judge the nations, heaping up the dead
and crushing the rulers of the whole earth.
He will drink from a brook along the way,
and so he will lift his head high.

The reference in Psalm 10 to Melchizedek brings forward an obscure figure from Genesis 14, the King of Salem, who blessed Abram (Abraham) after the battle of the Kings and thereby performed a priestly function — although he was not an heir of Abraham and there was as yet no nation of Israel and no Jewish Priesthood.

Melchizedek features in some of the eschatological texts of the Second Temple period. Jesus is compared to Melchizedek in Hebrews 7, also using quotations from Psalm 25. It seems, then, that in the Second Temple period, the notion of Melchizedek, or a Melchizedek-like figure, appearing or reappearing as a priestly figure who recalls the nation to purity, was a known motif, and that this motif was connected to Jesus in early Christianity.

In verse 27 the reference is to Psalm 8, which says:

Lord, our Lord,
how majestic is your name in all the earth!
You have set your glory
in the heavens.
Through the praise of children and infants
you have established a stronghold against your enemies,
to silence the foe and the avenger.
When I consider your heavens,
the work of your fingers,
the moon and the stars,
which you have set in place,
what is mankind that you are mindful of them,
human beings that you care for them?
You have made him a little lower than the heavenly beings
and crowned him with glory and honor.
You made him ruler over the works of your hands;
you put everything under his feet:
all flocks and herds,
and the animals of the wild,
the birds in the sky,
and the fish in the sea,
all that swim the paths of the seas.
Lord, our Lord,
how majestic is your name in all the earth!

Notice that this Psalm echoes Genesis 1 and 2, in which humans are given charge over caring for creation. There is an echo of a connection here between Adam and Melchizedek, both as mystical figures who perform kingly and priestly functions — one at the beginning of creation and one at the beginning of the Hebrew people. For Paul, then, the resurrection of Christ is the fulfillment of the purposes of humanity and of the mission of Israel, culminating in the restoration of creation itself.

Starting in verse 35, Paul begins to respond to an objection from the skeptics: if the dead are raised, what kind of body do they possess? No one would want to be raised in a rotten corpse. Even more, although ancient people did not understand chemistry or microbiology the way we do, they knew that over time bodies decompose and are consumed by other creatures. If a person’s body is thrown into a river and consumed by fish, does the person become a fish in the resurrection? (A version of this very question was, in fact, answered in the Medieval period by Thomas Aquinas — so it remained a live question!)

Paul says the question is foolish because the present body is like a seed that becomes something greater. In verse 44, Paul says “it is sown a physical [natural] (sōma psychikon) body, it is raised a spiritual (sōma pneumatikon) body.” This leads some interpreters to suggest that Paul does not believe in a material, bodily resurrection, but rather moves the concept of the resurrection entirely to the spiritual realm. But there are several reasons why this is not what Paul is doing.

First, Paul is responding to some of the Corinthians who are skeptical of the resurrection of the body because of their Greek dualism. The skeptics might accept the immortality of the soul, but not the resurrection of the body. If Paul’s response is that the resurrection is spiritual and not bodily, he would be agreeing with the skeptics.

Second, the phrase sōma psychikon translated from the NRSV above as “physical body,” does not really contrast a “physical” body to a “non-physical” one. Paul quotes Genesis 2:7 in verse 45, because Adam is the example of the “physical” or “natural” body. In that text, in the Greek translation (the LXX) quoted by Paul, Adam became a psychēn zōsan — a “living being.” In the Hebrew the word is nephesh, sometimes translated “soul,” but meaning the vital center of life, personhood, passion, desire, and appetite. So Paul is not contrasting the “physical” with the “spiritual.” In both cases — the present sōma psychikon and the future sōma pneumatikon — Paul is referring to a kind of sōma, a body.

Third, Paul’s metaphor of the seed that produces wheat assumes a continuity between the present state and the future state. A wheat germ is not precisely the same thing as a mature wheat stalk, but there is a numerical continuity between the germ and the stalk: this germ, planted in the soil, produced this stalk. Of course, this is only a metaphor, so we shouldn’t press it too far, and Paul didn’t know anything about how a wheat germ becomes a wheat stalk at the molecular or genetic level. But the metaphor does tie into Paul’s overall discussion of how our present bodies relate to our bodies in the resurrection.

At the same time, Paul does say that our bodies in the resurrection will differ significantly from our present bodies. In Paul’s mind, the resurrection is not a zombie-fest of reanimated corpses. He does not attempt to explain how our resurrection bodies will differ, nor does he offer any details about their material constitution. It is something that will happen by God’s power “in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye.” (15:52.)

The result, Paul says, is that Death no longer holds final power over us. In verses 54 and 55, Paul quotes a line from Isaiah 25 and another from Hosea 13. Isaiah 25:6-8 reads as follows:

On this mountain the Lord Almighty will prepare
a feast of rich food for all peoples,
a banquet of aged wine—
the best of meats and the finest of wines.
On this mountain he will destroy
the shroud that enfolds all peoples,
the sheet that covers all nations;
he will swallow up death forever.
The Sovereign Lord will wipe away the tears
from all faces;
he will remove his people’s disgrace
from all the earth.

Is. 25:6-8

And Hosea 13:14 says:

I will deliver this people from the power of the grave;
I will redeem them from death.
Where, O death, are your plagues?
Where, O grave, is your destruction?

By quoting these texts Paul again connects Christ’s resurrection to the eschatological hope of the prophetic literature in the Hebrew scriptures — a hope for a restored nation and a renewed creation.

Excursus on Universalism

What precisely is the scope of Paul’s eschatological vision of the resurrection in 1 Corinthians 15? The mainstream of Christian eschatology envisions a dual outcome: some, maybe only a few, go to Heaven, and some, maybe many, go to Hell. There are important scriptural reasons for this view, including a number of sayings of Jesus in the Gospels and the vision of judgment at the conclusion of the book of Revelation. But there have always been voices in the Christian tradition who imagined an outcome in which every person is eventually saved, a view called apokatastasis. Some, such as the great Third Century theologian Origen of Alexandria, were later censured by the institutional Church at least in part for these views, while others, such as the Church Father Gregory of Nyssa, were always held in high esteem.

Today, both in academic theology (evidenced, for example, in the work of Eastern Orthodox theologian David Bentley Hart (That All Shall Be Saved: Heaven, Hell, and Universal Salvation (Yale Univ. Press 2019)) and in popular writing (evidenced by Rob Bell’s Love Wins (HarperOne 2012)), there is a renewed interest, and often fierce argument, over the possibility of apokatastasis. Two verses in 1 Corinthians 15 are important to that debate. These are verse 22: “for as all die in Adam, so all will be made alive in Christ”; and verse 28, which states that, in the end, God will be “all in all.”

There is no ambiguity about the words Paul uses in these verses: “all,” panta, literally means “all.” Here and elsewhere in Paul’s writings, there is a universal logic and universal language in his eschatological statements. At the same time, however, Paul repeatedly warns that not everyone will inherit the kingdom of God. (E.g., 1 Cor. 6:9-10.) And even in 1 Corinthians 15, there is a hint that some of the unrighteous dead need some help, in the cryptic reference to baptisms for the dead (15:29).

In his interesting and challenging book Pauline Dogmatics: The Triumph of God’s Love (Eerdmans 2020), Duke Divinity School Professor Douglas Campbell suggests that, like many Second Temple period Jews, Paul probably believed in a resurrection only of the righteous. At the “Day of the Lord,” the last day, the righteous dead would be raised and the righteous living would be transformed. The unrighteous dead would be left dead, and the unrighteous living would be annihilated. Some Second Temple apocalyptic literature included a dual resurrection and a judgment of annihilation or exclusion (“Hell”) for the unrighteous living and dead, but Paul seems uninterested in that concept. There is no suggestion in Paul’s writing of an eternal dual outcome: what is left after the end is only God and God’s people.

At the same time, Campbell notes, the universalistic logic of of texts like 1 Corinthians 15 seems to stand in tension with Paul’s apparent assumption that only the righteous will be raised or transformed in the last day. The parallel between people “in Adam” and “in Christ” seems particularly powerful here. There can be no sense, in Paul’s logic, in which any human being is not naturally “in Adam,” and it appears likewise that there should be no sense in which any of humanity is not ultimately “in Christ.”

In my view, we press texts like 1 Corinthians 15 too far if we suggest they are dogmatic statements about apokatastasis. Paul is not writing systematic theology. When his focus is on Christ and the meaning of Christ’s death and resurrection, his language is universal. When his focus is on the realities of human sin, his language warns of exclusion.

We do best to take the full Biblical narrative, in all its diversity, together. Sin is judged. We are warned of the possibility of exclusion from God’s kingdom — even by Jesus himself. These warnings for us must remain live. They must spur us to repentance and faith, and to prophetic and faithful witness in a world that seems to oppose God’s peaceable reign. And yet, while we see only through a glass darkly, we know Jesus himself is the interpretive principle. The logic and goal of creation is the resurrection of Jesus. Death is not the last word; death is destroyed. Love bears, believes, endures, and hopes all things. In the end, love remains, and God is all in all. Even God’s judgment, whatever it will be, is a judgment born of love.

Some Questions on this Section

  • What do you understand as some of the implications of “the gospel” Paul describes at the start of this chapter?
  • What does it mean to you that Jesus’ resurrection defeats “death” as a power or enemy?
  • What is your eschatological vision — your hope for the future?

Concluding Remarks

In chapter 16, Paul offers some concluding personal remarks to the Corinthians. He returns to the theme of the collection he is taking for the church in Jerusalem. He promises a future visit, identifies Timothy as his emissary, and offers gratitude for a visit from Stephanas, Fortunatus and Achaicus, Greek converts who apparently were working among the various congregations in Greece. (Based on their names, Fortunatus and Achaicus — “Lucky” and “From Achaias” — were probably present or former slaves of Stephanas.) He also makes a kind of off-handed (passive aggressive?) reference to Apollos.

At the very end of the letter Paul appends his own hand-written greeting. Paul would have dictated the body of the letter to an amanuensis, a kind of professional scribe. This personal greeting in Paul’s own hand was akin to a personal note someone today might add to a typed official letter. We see in that short note the same parts of Paul’s personality we saw throughout the letter: a word of exclusion (anathema) on anyone who does not love the Lord, a common early Christian exclamation in Aramaic– maran atha — and a concluding word of grace and love.

Final Question:

  • What thoughts, impressions, or feelings does our study of 1 Corinthians leave you with?
Categories
1 Corinthians Biblical Studies

1 Corinthians 10:1 – 11:1: Incorporation and Difference

Introduction

In chapter 10 Paul continues the discussion of eating meat sacrificed to idols. This chapter can be a bit confusing because it seems in some ways to pull back from the more flexible approach to this problem in chapters 8 and 9. Remember, though, that this is a letter, not a philosophical treatise. Even though it’s a special form of correspondence, much more formal than a dashed-off note, it does sometimes contain streams of thought that meander, connect, and trail off in various places.

At the same time, we can also see an improvised principle in chapter 10 that ties things together: eating meat sacrificed to idols in the context of certain kinds of religious-cultic practices should be avoided, but eating meat purchased in the marketplace at a private meal is a matter of indifference, even if that meat had been previously sacrificed to an idol. The reticence about cultic practices is consistent with, and rooted in, Paul’s figural use of the Hebrew Scriptures and the Jewish confession of one God. The freedom to eat any meat bought in the marketplace, however, was a radical break from Jewish practices. In this way, Paul connects the Corinthian church — and by extension, the church wherever both Jews and Gentiles meet together — to the story and heritage of Israel, while also acknowledging the new character of a community that incorporates the Gentiles.

“Our Ancestors” and Our Story

One of the most significant aspects of Paul’s ethical improvisation about meat sacrificed to idols is easy to miss. In 10:1, Paul refers to the Hebrews as “our ancestors.” For Paul and other Jews, this was of course core to their identity. Yet Paul is writing not only to Jews, but also to Gentiles in the church at Corinth. By identifying the Hebrews as the ancestors of everyone in the church, Paul plays on one of the central themes in the theology of all of his letters: Israel is the root and the Church is the branch. Between Jews and the ekkelesia of Christ, there is no fundamental division. Israel and the Church are one people.

This theme is more implicit than directly stated in 1 Corinthians. It is stated most plainly in Paul’s letter to the Romans. Romans 1-11 has often been misunderstood as a tract about the problem of individual sin and as a statement about God’s election of some individuals to salvation. Themes relating to individual sin and salvation are present in Romans 1-11, but that is not the main point of Paul’s argument there. In that text, Paul, a pious Jew, agonizes over why most of his fellow Jews have not recognized Jesus as the Christ, the Messiah. His conclusion is that God has allowed Israel’s heart to be hardened for a time so that the Gentiles could be incorporated into the community of God’s Kingdom. Paul’s arguments about election in Romans 1-11 are primarily about corporate election, and Paul’s ultimate conclusion is that, in a way that God has not yet fully revealed, Israel will come to recognize Jesus, so that — surprisingly — God’s eschatological Kingdom will include both the Jews and the Gentiles./1/

There are at least two important conclusions we can draw from Paul’s theological vision concerning Israel and the Church. The first is that Paul’s theology does not entail supercessionism — in fact, Paul’s theology entails exactly the opposite. “Supercessionism” is the notion that the Church replaces Israel in God’s economy of salvation. Paul would respond to such a claim with a stock phrase he often used: me genoito! No way! May it never be!

Unfortunately supercessionist theology has a long history in the Church, from the early church through the Reformation and into modern times. The Holocaust, including the complicity of much of the German church in the Holocaust, prompted a reappraisal of this tradition, including contemporary scholarship about the Jewishness of both Jesus and Paul. For Paul, the Gentile Church is grafted in as a branch onto the root of Israel. For Christians to persecute Jews is literally to shoot ourselves in the heart.

Of course, significant differences remain between the community of Israel that does not (yet) recognize Jesus and the Church, both Gentile and Jewish, that does acknowledge Jesus as Lord and Christ. We can’t pretend that difference doesn’t matter — and it definitely mattered for Paul. But as between these communities, this is an intra-family difference, not a fundamental division. And, from the perspective of Pauline theology, it is a difference that we in the Church should fully expect will one day be mutually overcome, joyfully and peaceably.

The second theme we can draw from Paul’s theological vision, which is explicit in 1 Corinthians 10, is that Israel’s story is our story. At the start of chapter 10, Paul draws on the story of Israel’s exodus from Egypt as a figure of the Church’s current circumstances. This kind of figural reading of the Hebrew Scriptures is a common motif in Paul’s letters. (See Richard Hays, Echoes of Scripture in the Letters of Paul (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press 1993.)) Theology is a form of narrative, and the stories of Israel provide the basic narrative themes through which the Church can identify itself and shape its corporate life.

You can see how closely, and idiosyncratically, Paul uses the exodus narrative in verse 4: “For they drank from the spiritual rock that followed them, and that rock was Christ.” Paul here refers to a story that is only partially present in the canonical sources of the Pentateuch (Genesis, Exodus, Numbers, Leviticus, and Deuteronomy). The Jewish sages wondered how the children of Israel found water to drink when they spent forty years wandering in the desert after leaving Egypt and before entering the promised land. In Exodus 17:6, God provided water when Moses strikes a rock with his staff. The sages concluded that God had miraculously caused this rock to follow the people from place to place as they wandered. Paul picks up on that story and then embellishes it further by identifying the rock with Christ!

Paul’s identification of the wandering rock (or well) with Christ is not meant literally. Paul doesn’t suggest that the rock was an early incarnation of Christ. He does, however, suggest that in God’s provision for Israel Christ was already spiritually present and active in Israel’s story. The story of redemption unfolds in history but is already present before it is fully known.

Some Discussion Questions on this Section:

  • Does it change your self-understanding as a Christian to know that Jews and Christians are really one people?
  • What are some elements of the narrative of the exodus from Egypt that you think might be figures for our times? (One thought: this narrative was very important in black spirituality during slavery and is central to liberation theologies today.)

The Narrative Crisis: Idolatry

The arc of any compelling narrative involves a central crisis. A central crisis in the narrative of the Hebrew Scriptures is idolatry. The first commandment on the tables given by God to Moses is “you shall have no other gods before me” and the second, third, and fourth commandments relate to making idols, misusing God’s (YHWY) name, and keeping the sabbath. (Exodus 20:1-8; Deut. 5:6-16.) These commandments, often depicted as residing on the “first tablet” of the law, are the foundation for the commandments on the “second tablet” concerning murder, theft, false testimony, adultery, and coveting. (The fifth commandment to “honor your father and mother” has been viewed as a transitional commandment that links the first and second tablets.)

The foundation for all of Israel’s ethics therefore was the recognition that God alone was God. This foundation is reflected in the central Jewish prayer, the shema: “Hear, O Israel, the Lord your God, the Lord is one.” (Deut. 6:4.) In Deuteronomy 6, the shema is followed by the basic commandment that precedes all the other detailed provisions of the law: “Love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul and with all your strength.” (Deut 6:5.) Throughout the Hebrew Scriptures, from the exodus all the way through the exile, the Hebrews often fail to keep this central commanding principle and thereby lose God’s blessing and incur God’s judgment./2/

Paul alludes to one such infamous episode in verses 6-10 — the golden calf. (Exodus 32.) Instead of waiting patiently for Moses to return from the mountain with God’s instructions, the people, led by Moses’ brother Aaron, create an idol, a golden calf, and worship it. Exodus tells us that after building the idol, “they sat down to eat and drink and got up to indulge in revelry.” (Exodus 32:6.) The fallout from this event was fierce: according to Exodus 32, Moses made the people drink water with bits of the ground up idol, and then, under Moses’ command, the Levites (the Priestly tribe) who had not worshiped the golden calf, killed 3,000 of the people (a civil war? Exodus 32:19-29.)

Paul connects this central theme in Israel’s story to the Corinthian church in relation to eating meat sacrificed to idols. In chapters 8 and 9, Paul focused on why the “stronger” members should refrain from eating idol meat if it would hurt the “weaker” members. In chapter 10, Paul asserts a prohibition against eating idol meat because to eat such meat is to practice idolatry.

But Paul has already agreed with the “stronger” members of the Corinthian church that the gods represented by the pagan idols are not real. If that is the case, and the “stronger” members in their wisdom know this, how can they be charged with idolatry? Paul warns them that even in their strength they will be tested. God will give them the strength to endure the testing, but they should not presume they are above the possibility of failure. (10:12-13.)

The test of idol meat, Paul says, is dangerous because the reality behind the pagan idols are not gods by “demons.” (10:20.) To participate in these rituals therefore is a particularly gross form of idolatry — one that twists what should be worship of God into worship of demons. The parallel is even more important because the form of worship is a meal. The meal of the demons in eating pagan idol meat is a horrible perversion of the meal of the Lord’s supper. (10:21.)

The reference to “demons” here is unsettling for modern readers. As we previously discussed concerning Paul’s reference to “satan” (5:5), Paul lived in a world in which there was no “secular” space. There were elaborate angeologies and demonologies in some of the Jewish Second Temple literature, but Paul does not get into that kind of detail here. He simply asserts that the pagan temple feasts are devoted to “demons.”

Paul then shifts gears from concerns about idolatry and demons to a more conciliatory mode. He returns to the basic principle of chapters 8 and 9: “do not seek your own advantage but that of the other.” (10:24.) He then gives permission to eat any meat purchased in the market, even at the home of an unbeliever, and even if the meat may have previously been sacrificed to an idol. The only admonition is to avoid eating if someone raises the questions whether the follower of Jesus should be eating such meat. (11:23-30.) Otherwise, the principle of conscience is that someone else’s conscience should not provide the measure of judgment.

The notions of “conscience” and “liberty” (or “freedom”) here are important in Paul’s thought, in earlier Greek philosophy, and in the history of Christian ethics. “Conscience” is synderesis and “freedom” is eleutheria. You shouldn’t think of synderesis merely as some kind of feeling. The concept is much broader. It entails the innate human capacity know the first principles of right action prior to discursive reasoning. That innate human capacity is not, at least for the Greek philosopher Aristotle and later for the Christian theologian Thomas Aquinas, just an abstract impression. Rather, it is a capacity to form habits of life that enable a person to perceive the right course of action. Eleutheria in ancient Greek thought was the personification of liberty, associated with the goddess Artemis. But the concept meant primarily the status of not being a slave. It was used in connection with Greek political philosophy of democracy to denote a citizen of the commonwealth. (See, e.g., Mogens Herman Hansen, Democratic Freedom and the Concept of Freedom in Plato and Aristotle, Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 50:1-27 (2010)). This was not a libertarian concept of freedom, meaning merely the freedom to make one choice rather than another. It was a concept tied to membership in the commonweal — a freedom “for” as much as a freedom “from.”

Even with these qualifications about the concepts behind synderesis and eleutheria, this is a major concession to the “stronger” members, who also must have been among the wealthier classes if they were able to attend meals in homes at which meat was served. In fact, we could imagine that the person raising a concern might be a servant (slave) who was also part of the ekklesia and who was horrified that another, wealthier member of the ekklesia was eating this food. Alternatively, or in addition, we can imagine the Jewish members of the ekklesia objecting — for them, eating meat from the market that was sacrificed to an idol was not kosher and was as much a participation in idolatry as participating in a pagan temple feast. For the Jewish members, the Torah gave commands on these points that could not be qualified by appeals to synderesis and eleutheria./3/

Paul concludes this section with a summary principle: “whether you eat or drink, or whatever you do, do everything for the glory of God.” (10:31.) This principle entails giving no offense to anyone and always seeking the welfare of others — in imitation of Paul, but even more basically, in imitation of Christ. (10:22 – 11:1.)

In light of this broader principle as it relates to the question of idolatry and conscience, it could be helpful to remember that the temple feasts were public or semi-public events that connected to the Roman elites’ understanding of what held their culture together and gave their place in society legitimacy. Whatever exactly Paul had in mind by his reference to “demons,” throughout his letters he pictures the “powers” of this world in contrast to the Kingdom of God. For a follower of Jesus, a worshiper of the God of Israel, to partake in a public temple feast, was to engage in performative rituals that gave legitimacy to a system of powers that opposed the peace and justice of the Kingdom of God. A meal in a private home, however, was simply an act of friendship. This was what Jesus himself did — he ate with “sinners.” Participating in a public ritual that stands against God’s Kingdom dishonors God and is idolatrous; participating in a private friendly meal enacts God’s Kingdom and glorifies God. That, at least, seems to be what Paul had in mind.

Some Discussion Questions on this Section:

  • We return to the question of the “powers” and idolatry: where do you see the “powers” actively tempting us to idolatry today? What would it mean for us to emphasize the problem of “idolatry” to the same degree as the Hebrew Scriptures, and as Paul does here?
  • 1 Cor. 10:13 is a famous text: “No testing has overtaken you that is not common to everyone. God is faithful, and he will not let you be tested beyond your strength, but with the testing he will also provide the way out so that you may be able to endure it.” How have you experienced “testing?”
  • 1 Cor. 10:31 is also famous text, often seen on posters and the like: “whether you eat or drink, or whatever you do, do everything for the glory of God.” What does it mean for you to “do everything for the glory of God?”
  • How do you see the concepts of “conscience” (synderesis) and “freedom” (eleutheria) in Christian ethics?
  • In his famous treatise “The Freedom of a Christian,” Martin Luther said “A Christian is a perfectly free lord of all, subject to none. A Christian is a perfectly dutiful servant of all, subject to all.” How does this statement of Luther’s sit with you?

Notes

/1/ An important point of clarification here: “Israel” means the ethnic-cultural-religious-political community that can be identified as heirs of God’s covenants in the Hebrew Scriptures with Moses, Abraham, and David. From the time of the early church through today, this means the disapora of Rabbinic Judaism in all of its forms. It does not mean the modern nation-state of Israel. Whatever other views one might hold about the modern nation-state of Israel, the “Left Behind” type of Zionist theology that identifies the modern nation-state of Israel with Biblical “prophecy” is bad Biblical exegesis and bad theology.

/2/ From a historical-critical perspective, these strong statements about idolatry and the oneness of God likely were drawn out and emphasized within the canonical texts of the Hebrew Scriptures as they took their final shape during the Babylonian Exile. Worship among the early Hebrews might always have been more syncretistic than the commandments suggest. In various places even in the canonical texts, God (YHWY) does not always seem to be depicted as the only “god.”

/3/ We should not, however, imagine that pious Jews viewed the Torah without any flexibility at all. The Rabbis engaged in extensive debates that provided glosses on the Torah and made distinctions based on specific cases. These debates formed the mishnah, or oral law, which was later redacted and incorporated into the Talmud.

Categories
Biblical Studies Justice Political Theology Public Theology

James Cone: A Black Theology of Liberation

This is a book review I wrote on James Cone’s A Black Theology of Liberation for a class on modern theology.  I’m primarily posting it here because I need to reference my thoughts in another paper, but I hope readers might appreciate the review.

James Cone’s A Black Theology of Liberation was first written, as Cone notes in the Postscript to the Fortieth Anniversary Edition, at the height of the civil rights and black power movements in 1969.[1]  Cone says that “[n]o one can understand this book apart from the social and political context in which it was written.”[2]  In particular, at the time he wrote this book, Cone had become frustrated with theology written by “white privileged intellectuals.”[3]  He wanted to write a specifically black theology within, to, and for the black experience.

The book begins with a description of Cone’s theological method.  For Cone, “Christian theology is a theology of liberation.”[4]  In particular, Christian theology “is a rational study of the being of God in the world in light of the existential situation of an oppressed community, relating the forces of liberation to the essence of the gospel, which is Jesus Christ.”[5]  This definition of theology seems consistent with other kinds of liberation theologies, and indeed seems somewhat conventional.  Cone draws his existentialist approach from noted white theologians such as Barth and Tillich.  However, Cone not only argues for “liberation” as a central motif in an existentialist theology, but further states that “black theology affirms the black condition as the primary datum of reality . . . .”[6]

The centrality of blackness to existential reality and therefore to theology, for Cone, means that “whites are in no position whatever to question the legitimacy of black theology.”[7]  White theology, Cone argues throughout the book, is a theology of oppression, beginning with the extermination of Amerindians and running through the enslavement of blacks.  Indeed, for Cone, “whites have only one purpose: the destruction of everything which is not white.”[8]  The rationality of black theology therefore need not, and should not, remain subject to the criterion for legitimacy drawn from white theology.

Notwithstanding this strong affirmation of the independence of Black theology, Cone proceeds to describe the sources and methods of Black theology in apparently conventional terms:  they include scripture, experience, and above all Jesus Christ.[9]  The “experience” Cone thinks is relevant, however, is the black experience of oppression.  The black experience is in fact the lens Cone uses to interpret scripture and Christ:  “[t]he meaning of scripture is not found in the words of scripture as such but only in its power to point beyond itself to the reality of God’s revelation – and in America, that means black liberation.”[10]  The meaning of “black liberation” is crucial to Cone’s theology in this book.  As noted above, Cone wrote the book in the midst of the black power movement.  Cone’s view of “black liberation,” therefore, included potentially violent resistance to white America.  For Cone, “[t]he black experience is the feeling one has when attacking the enemy of black humanity by throwing a Molotov cocktail into a white-owned building and watching it go up in flames.”[11]

Cone then proceeds to a discussion of what “God” means in black theology.  Consistent with his existentialist bent, he understands the term “God” to point to a transcendental reality that interprets history.  For Cone, this means in particular the history of God’s liberation of Israel as narrated in scripture and the history of God’s liberation of black people.[12]  At this point in the text, an apparent contradiction arises in Cone’s argument.  While “[t]he black theology view of God must be sharply distinguished from white distortions,” Cone suggests that “[t]his does not mean that black theology rejects white theology entirely.”[13]  Nevertheless, on the very next page after this statement, Cone says “[t]he goal of black theology is the destruction of everything white, so that blacks can be liberated from alien gods.”[14]

This contrast should be read as intentionally dialectical, as begins to become clearer in the next two chapters on theological anthropology and Jesus Christ.[15]  While Cone does identify blackness with black bodies, he also notes that “[i]n the literal sense a black person is anyone who has ‘even one drop of black blood in his or her veins.’”[16]  In Cone’s chapters on anthropology and Christology, blackness begins to seem more like an existential condition summed up in the black American experience rather than merely a skin color.

The final chapter discusses ecclesiology, culture, and eschatology.  Cone’s eschatology is strongly immanent.  He criticizes futurist eschatologies as means by which whites have encouraged blacks to remain docile in their servitude in hope of a future reward.[17]  His view of culture is similarly immediate to the lived experience of oppressed black people:  “[t]he world is not a metaphysical entity or an ontological problem. . . . It is very concrete.  It is punching clocks, taking orders, fighting rats, and being kicked around by police officers.”[18]  Similarly, eschatology, for Cone, must be realized in the present struggle for black liberation.  Nevertheless, he also recognizes the importance of “the future reality of life after death” as “grounded in Christ’s resurrection” because this hope supplies the courage to face death in the struggle for liberation.[19]

It is somewhat jarring for me – a white middle-aged lawyer, studying theology in a historically mostly white evangelical context – to read this text.  Cone’s frequent use of terms like “whitey,” his apparent calls to violence by blacks against whites, and his insistence that whites cannot critique black theology, initially seem to suggest that this text bears little value for a broader theological conversation, if it is not in fact completely unhinged.  But a more careful reading of the text within its own historical context argues for a subtler interpretation.  Cone brilliantly deploys modern white existentialist theology to challenge the very notion of “whiteness.”  He shows that what American culture has assumed as “normal” – the white middle class – is in fact not consistent with the fundamental norms of scripture and Jesus Christ.  Cone challenges us to see that what white American culture has despised – blackness – is, in fact, the true Christian norm precisely because it has been despised.

Nevertheless, it is difficult to know how to interpret some of the passages in this text that seem to call for black violence against whites.  At times Cone seems seriously to endorse immediate violence, and at other time he seems to suggest that violence is more of a possibility than a necessity.  In his chapter on eschatology, for example, Cone concludes that “[l]ooting, burning, or the destruction of white property are not primary concerns.  Such matters can only be decided by the oppressed themselves who are seeking to develop their images of the black Christ.”[20]  Although even the suggestion that violence might be appropriate seems shocking, Cone repeatedly invokes Nat Turner, the heroic leader of a slave rebellion prior to the Civil War, in a way that brilliantly disarms modern white liberals who eschew violence.[21]

Ultimately, I suppose I must accept Cone’s judgment that, as a white man, I cannot judge black theology.  As a white man, I learn from Cone what the experience of “blackness” in America can mean in relation to the existential core of the Gospel.  I cannot endorse the calls to violence in this text, but I can at least recognize how my requirement of nonviolent social change implicates a long history of racism that is anything but peaceful.

[1] James H. Cone, A Black Theology of Liberation (Maryknoll:  Orbis Books 40th Anniv. Ed. 2010), 152.

[2] Ibid.

[3] Ibid., Preface to the 1986 Edition.

[4] Ibid., 1.

[5] Ibid.

[6] Ibid., 5.

[7] Ibid., 8.

[8] Ibid., 12.

[9] Ibid., Ch. 2.

[10] Ibid., 34.

[11] Ibid., 25.

[12] Ibid., Chapter 4.

[13] Ibid., 64.

[14] Ibid., 65.

[15] Ibid., Chapters 5 and 6.

[16] Ibid., 69.

[17] Ibid., 145.

[18] Ibid., 140.

[19] Ibid., 150.

[20] Ibid., 130.

[21] See, e.g., ibid.

Categories
Biblical Studies

Thoughts on Romans 11:25-26 and Jewish-Christian Relations

This semester I took a class on Romans through Fuller Seminary.  Studying this text was an incredible challenge and delight.  We had to complete two one-sitting readings of the text, which gives a great sense of its sinewy power as a letter.

I had to write a short (5-page) exegetical paper on a short passage.  The paper was supposed to raise questions more than answer them, and to address some issues of “reading from location.”  I chose Romans 11:25-26.  FWIW, here’s what I wrote.

The section I have chosen is Romans 11:25-27.  This section raises challenging and related questions about (1) Israel’s historical role in the economy of salvation; (2) the future of the Jewish people in the economy of salvation, particularly those who do not become Christians; (3) the relationship between Jews and Christians; and (4) the scope of God’s final salvation.

Paul begins this section by stating that he is disclosing a “mystery” (μυστήριον) to the “brothers and sisters” he has been addressing in the letter.[1]  (Rom. 11:25.)  The Pauline corpus regularly uses μυστήριον to refer to Christ’s death and resurrection as something not previously revealed or know as part of God’s saving plan (see 1 Cor. 15:51; Eph. 1:9; Eph. 3:3; Eph. 6:19; Col. 1:26; Col. 4:3; 1 Tim. 3:9).  Here, the focus of the μυστήριον is different:  “part of Israel” has experienced a “hardening,” which will last “until the full number (πλήρωμα) of Gentiles has come in (εἰσέλθῃ – enters).”  Paul’s rhetorically dramatic disclosure of this “mystery” is puzzling because he has already spent the past 10 ½ chapters explaining that Israel has been “hardened” to the Gospel to make room for the Gentiles.  It seems that Paul wants to make this point very carefully, so that his Gentile readers are not at all tempted to become “wise” in themselves.  (Rom. 11:25.)

Immediately after disclosure of this μυστήριον Paul says “[a]nd so all Israel will be saved. . . .”  (Rom. 11:26 (NRSV)).  A key question for this part of the text is what Paul means by “all Israel,” and, relatedly, what he means by “will be saved.”  Is Paul referring here to every ethnic Jewish person in all of history, to ethnic Jewish people alive when Romans was written, to a perhaps small remnant of Jewish people who recognize Jesus as the Messiah, or to something else?  And by “salvation” is Paul referring to an immediate this-worldly reality, to an immanent this-worldly judgment, to a future other-worldly eschatological state, or to something else?

Modern commentators note the difficulty of addressing these questions after the Holocaust.[2]  Thoughtful Christians today recognize the Church’s terrible history of anti-Semitism and painfully remember that this history helped feed the Holocaust.  These concerns are an important part of what motivated many commentators in the generation immediately following World War II to argue for a Sonderweg – an alternative path or “two covenant” theology, informed in significant part by this text in Romans, under which the Jews remain God’s people apart from any specific recognition of Jesus as Messiah.[3]  The post-Holocaust reading of Romans can be seen as an important example of reading from location.  Indeed, the kind of liberation theology reflected in our reading from Justo González, and the feminist theology reflected in our reading from Elsa Tamez, developed starting in the 1950’s and 1960’s in no small part because the shock of the Holocaust forced the Church to reevaluate its rhetoric and dogmas about race, class and creed.[4]

Most contemporary commentators agree, however, that whatever the merits of a Sonderweg, this is not what Paul had in mind in Romans.[5]  Nevertheless, James Dunn asserts that “[t]here is now a strong consensus that πα̑ς ᾿Ισραήλ must mean Israel as a whole, as a people whose corporate identity and wholeness would not be lost even if in the event there were some (or indeed many) individual exceptions.”[6]  In contrast, other commentators, particularly from Reformed and evangelical perspectives, argue that Paul’s use of “all Israel” here invokes either a “spiritual Israel” or a “remnant” theology, under which Paul envisions true “Israel” to include only followers of Jesus.  I was surprised that N.T. Wright adopted a particularly strong form of the “remnant” perspective in his commentary.[7]  Yet other commentators suggest a sort of middle ground approach, under which all ethnic Jews will recognize Jesus as Messiah at the Parousia.  There are multiple variants of this middle ground approach, under which either (1) all ethnic Jews alive at the time of the Parousia will recognize Jesus when he appears; or (2) all ethnic Jews who did not recognize Jesus in life but who have died before the Parousia will be resurrected and recognize Jesus at the Parousia; or (3) some combination or variant of (1) and (2).[8]

It is helpful to note that the exegetical question here is not solely driven by post-Holocaust concerns.  An interesting pre-modern source for this discussion is Thomas Aquinas.  Scholars have only recently begun to focus on Aquinas’ understanding of the Jews in his Commentary on Romans.[9]  Some Aquinas scholars today argue that in his commentary on Romans, Aquinas indicates that all the Jews eventually will be saved, perhaps in the eschaton.[10]  A principal passage from Aquinas’ commentary for these scholars is the comment on Paul’s use of the word “until” in Romans 11:25.  Aquinas there noted that

the word until can signify the cause of the blindness of the Jews.  For God permitted them to be blinded, in order that the full number of the gentiles come in.   It can also designate the termination, i.e., that the blindness of the Jews will last up to the time when the full number of the gentiles will come to the faith.  With this agrees his next statement, namely, and then, i.e., when the full number of the gentiles has come it, all Israel should be saved, not some, as now, but universally all . . . .[11]

Another exegete who is controversial on this point for some modern commentators is Karl Barth, who of course wrote in part as an opponent of Hitler and an exile during the Holocaust.[12]  In the Römerbrief, Barth understood the relation between Israel and the Church in terms of the existential crisis through which God brings salvation.[13]  While Barth here sounds supercessionist, his overall perspective is eschatological:  “[b]ut men are saved on in the Futurum resurrectionis, when they perceive the unobservable existentiality of God.”[14]

Barth’s exegesis of Romans 9-11 is far more extensive in the Church Dogmatics II.2 as he develops his doctrine of election.[15]  Since Barth’s doctrine of election focuses on Christ as both the rejected and the elect one – as both Jacob and Esau – he understands the “branch” in Paul’s metaphor of the vine to represent Christ.  It is then from Christ that both Israel and the Church spring.[16]  In CD II.2, Barth does not understand Paul’s statement that “all Israel will be saved” to “mean the totality of all Jewish individuals,” but at the same time he thinks the phrase is not limited to “the totality of the elect members of Jesus Christ from the Jews” – that is, to Jews who become Christians.[17]  Barth therefore says that “in accordance with the election that has happened to Israel . . . even the Jews who do not now believe are beloved of God for their fathers’ sake.”[18]  Israel’s status as elect and beloved, Barth says, is “the last word which in every present and in respect of every member of this people has to be taken into account in relation to Israel’s history from its beginning into every conceivable or inconceivable future.”[19]

I do not find any of the proposed solutions fully satisfying, either in terms of the worlds “behind” the text – Paul’s location as a Second Temple Jewish convert to Jesus – “within” the text – Paul’s unique rhetorical style and use of the Old Testament – or “in front of” the text – our location after the Holocaust.

Concerning the worlds “behind” and “within” the text, Paul connects his statement that “all Israel will be saved” to a quotation from scripture (καθὼς  γέγραπται, “as it has been written,” a common invocation in the New Testament and in Paul of the Old Testament), which seems to be derived from the Septuagint versions of Isaiah 59:20-21 and Isaiah 27:9:

“Out of Zion will come the Deliverer;
he will banish ungodliness from Jacob.”
“And this is my covenant with them,
when I take away (ὅταν ἀφέλωμαι) their sins.”

The actual text in Isaiah 59:20-21 differs from Paul’s paraphrase or allusion in syntax, content, and meaning in some important ways:

And he will come to Zion as Redeemer,
to those in Jacob who turn from transgression, says the Lord.

And as for me, this is my covenant with them, says the Lord: my spirit that is upon you, and my words that I have put in your mouth, shall not depart out of your mouth, or out of the mouths of your children, or out of the mouths of your children’s children, says the Lord, from now on and forever.  (NRSV).

In the actual text in Isaiah 59, the Redeemer (גָּאַל, LXX ῥυόμενος) comes “to those in Jacob who turn from transgression,” and God’s “covenant” is that His “spirit” (רוּחַ, LXX πνεῦμα) and “words” (דָּבָר, LXX ῥήματα) will not depart from “them.”  While some of Paul’s specific phrasing seems derived from the Septuagint, the overall flow of Paul’s quotation / paraphrase / allusion suggests a different sequence of events.

First, In Isaiah, the Redeemer comes “to Zion” (לְצִיּוֹן֙ – note the preposition לְ, to) or in the LXX “for the sake of / because of Zion” (ἕνεκεν Σιων) while in Romans the Redeemer comes “out of / from Zion” (ἐκ Σιὼν.).  Why has Paul apparently flipped the Redeemer’s origin in such a significant manner?  Dunn suggests that “a deliberate alteration by Paul is quite conceivable: even though he quotes the passage as a foundation or confirmation of his hope of Israel’s salvation, he does not wish to rekindle the idea of Israel’s national primacy in the last days,” because Paul “is in process of transforming—not merely taking up—the expectation of an eschatological pilgrimage of Gentiles to Zion.”[20]

Second, in Isaiah, the Redeemer comes “to those in Jacob who turn from their transgression,” while in Romans, the Redeemer “will banish ungodliness from Jacob” when he appears.  It seems that, in Isaiah, God sends the Redeemer to the repentant remnant, while for Paul, there is no faithful remnant except for the Redeemer, who rises up from within the community to purify it.  Here, Dunn notes that “for Paul ὁ ῥυόμενος is to be understood as a reference to Christ in his Parousia (Cf. 7:24, and particularly 1 Thess 1:10), whereas the original reference was probably to Yahweh himself.”[21]

Finally, in Isaiah, God presently makes or affirms a covenant that his spirit and words will never depart from Zion, while in Romans, the subject and timing of the covenant is unclear.  Here Paul apparently substitutes a quote from Isaiah 27:9 in his final line instead of the further covenantal language in Isaiah 59:21.[22]  Dunn suggests that “[t]he association of forgiveness of sins with Israel’s final vindication or specifically with renewal of the covenant was sufficiently well established in Jewish expectation . . . for Paul’s adaptation of it here [from Isaiah 27:9] to be reckoned a justifiable variation.”[23]  But in Romans, is the covenant a present promise that God will take away Jacob’s sins in the future?  Or is the covenant the promise that God will send a Redeemer to banish ungodliness from Jacob, with the result that their sins will be taken away?  And if the sense is the latter, how is the “banishment” of ungodliness accomplished?  Are the ungodly purged from the community of Jacob, or do the ungodly repent?

Relating these thoughts to the world “in front of” the text, my tentative conclusions borrow from Dunn, Barth and Aquinas.  I am unconvinced by the hyper-evangelical reading of this passage, including Wright’s approach.  I am also unconvinced by the notion that Paul was thinking of a Sonderweg for the Jews.  It seems to me that Romans 11 is a kind of prophetic-dialectical Christological-eschatological meditation, which indeed concludes in an expressly doxological hymn in verses 33-36.  In the section I have considered closely, verses 25-27, Paul oscillates between the prophetic hope for Israel in Isaiah and the new prophetic hope for all of humanity in Christ.  By noting that Paul’s overall thought here refers ultimately to the eschatological future, I think Dunn, Barth and Aquinas start to capture the sense of Paul’s wrestling.  The final consummation of history in Christ’s return will vindicate all of God’s purposes, both for Israel and for the Gentiles.  Separated Israel remain God’s people, though not in virtue of a separate path of salvation, and also in a unique, difficult role because of their separation.  But in the end, however precisely God will accomplish it, Jew and Gentile will be united again – humanity will be united again – in Christ.

This suggests that Christians act appropriately in relation to their Jewish neighbors when we make our central confession that “Jesus is Lord” and invite Jews to recognize that Jesus is first their Messiah, whom we know only derivatively because he is first their Messiah.  At the same time, it suggests that Christians should recognize Jews in their own particularity, even when they do not yet recognize Jesus, as also God’s people whom God will redeem.

Image:  St. Paul by Rembrandt van Rijn

[1] “Brothers and sisters” is the NRSV’s gender-neutral rendering of ἀδελφοί, which the NRSV presumes must mean the church in Rome.

[2] See N.T. Wright, “The Letter to the Romans:  Introduction, Commentary, and Reflections,” in Leander Keck, ed., The New Intepreter’s Bible, Vol. X (Nashville:  Abingdon Press 2002), “Overview” of Rom. 11:1-36.

[3] Ibid.; see also, e.g., Robert W. Jenson, “Toward a Christian Theology of Judaism,” in Carl Braaten and Robert W. Jenson, eds., Jews and Christians:  People of God (Grand Rapids:  Eerdmans 2003); Richard N. Longnecker, NICOT:  The Epistle to the Romans (Eerdmans 2016), 629-633, n. 50 (summarizing sources for the Sonderweg position).

[4] See Justo L. González, Out of Every Tribe & Nation:  Christian Theology at the Ethnic Roundtable (Nashville:  Abingdon Press 1992); Elsa Tamez, “Justification as Good News for Women:  A Re-Reading of Romans 1-8,” in Sheila E. McGinn, ed., Celebrating Romans:  Template for Pauline Theology (Essays in Honor of Robert JewettI) (Grand Rapids:  Eerdmans 2004).  As Mark Lindsay has argued, “[i]n a very real way, the event of the Holocaust instantiates the semper reformanda.”  Mark Lindsay, Reading Auschwitz With Barth:  The Holocaust as Problem and Promise for Barthian Theology (Eugene:  Wipf and Stock 2014), 4.

[5] See Longnecker, supra Note 3.

[6] James D.G. Dunn, Word Biblical Commentary, Vol. 38B, Romans 9-16 (Waco:  Word Books 1988), comment on Rom. 11:25.

[7] See Wright, supra Note 2, commentary on Rom. 11:26a.

[8] See, e.g., supra Note 3, 629-633 (surveying options and noting that “[m]y own view is that Paul is here speaking of the salvation of the Jewish people who will be alive when the course of God’s salvation history is brought by God himself to its culmination.”)

[9] See Holly Taylor Coolman, “Romans 9-11:  Rereading Aquinas on the Jews,” in Matthew Levering, ed., Reading Romans With Thomas Aquinas (Washington D.C.:  Catholic University Press 2012).

[10] Ibid., 104.

[11] St. Thomas Aquinas, Commentary on the Letter of Saint Paul to the Romans, trans. Fr. Fabian Richard Larcher, O.P. (Lander:  The Aquinas Institute for the Study of Sacred Doctrine 2012), Lecture 4, ¶ 916.

[12] See Angus Paddison, “Karl Barth’s Theological Exegesis of Romans 9-11 in Light of Jewish-Christian Understanding,” Journal of Studies in the New Testament 29:4, 469-488 (June 2006).  Barth’s failure to mention the Holocaust in the Church Dogmatics or his other writing, however, presents difficult problems for appropriating his theology for contemporary Jewish-Christian relations.  See Lindsay, supra Note 4.

[13] Karl Barth, The Epistle to the Romans (Oxford:  OUP 1968), 415.  Commenting on Paul’s statement that “[a]ll Israel shall be saved,” Barth says:  “[t]he salvation of the lost, the justification of those who are not justified, the resurrection of the dead, comes whence the catastrophe came.”  Ibid.

[14] Ibid, 416.

[15] See Paddison, supra Note 12.

[16] Ibid.

[17] Karl Barth, CD II.2 (London:  T&T Clark Study Edition 2009), § 34.4 [300].

[18] Ibid., § 34.4 [303].

[19] Ibid.

[20] Dunn, supra Note 6, comment on Rom. 11:26.

[21] Ibid.

[22] Ibid.

[23] Ibid.

 

Categories
Biblical Studies Ezekiel

Ezekiel: Jenson on Prophecy

I’ve been enjoying reading through Ezekiel lately with Robert Jenson’s Brazos Commentary.  For any modern Christian reader, one of the problems presented by a text like Ezekiel is that of delayed prophecy.  Ezekiel speaks to the exiles in Babylon, who have grown cynical.  In Ezekiel 12:21-28, this discourse reaches one of many points at which God instructs Ezekiel to announce that judgment will no longer be delayed:

 

Mortal, what is this proverb of yours about the land of Israel, which says, “The days are prolonged, and every vision comes to nothing”?  Tell them therefore, “Thus says the Lord God: I will put an end to this proverb, and they shall use it no more as a proverb in Israel.” But say to them, The days are near, and the fulfillment of every vision.  For there shall no longer be any false vision or flattering divination within the house of Israel.  But I the Lord will speak the word that I speak, and it will be fulfilled. It will no longer be delayed; but in your days, O rebellious house, I will speak the word and fulfill it, says the Lord God.  (Ezekiel 12: 22-25 (NRSV)).

From the perspective of the New Testament, and of Christian theology, however, Ezekiel’s prophecies were delayed, initially until the coming of Christ, and subsequently until Christ’s future return.  The premodern Christian interpretive strategy was to view such passages as prefiguring Christ.  One modern strategy, which Jenson calls neo-Protestant, has been to de-historicize all Biblical eschatological hopes within a metaphysical view that negates any possibility of any teleology in history.  Another modern strategy, represented by dialectical theologians such as Karl Barth, was to render the Bible’s eschatological hopes as expressions of an immanent crisis to which each person is subject.  Yet another modern strategy, represented by dispensational theology and fundamentalism, was to render the ancient texts as code books for deciphering contemporary events.

Against such modern trends, Jenson argues for a return to premodern exegesis, although in sympathy with dialectical theology, he is content to let the ambiguity and lack of resolution do its own work.  I appreciate Jenson’s comments here:

Let us suppose that we find neither neo-Protestantism’s nor dialectical theology’s resolutions satisfactory.  What then?

We should — in my view — begin by retrieving the church’s premodern construal.  The New Testament does in fact think that all the promises of God are fulfilled in Christ (e.g., Rom. 15:8), and so should Christian theology.  It is becoming even more obvious:  modern scholars’ insistence that the original sense of Old Testament anticipation cannot be christological or ecclesiological is not itself a scholarly result but an antecedent ideological construal of how history works.  There is no need to share this construal.

We must, to be sure, be very careful not to suggest that, because the promises have been fulfilled in Christ, they no longer apply to the Jews as a people. But a nonsupersessionist construal is indeed possible and in some part already achieved.

If we go on from the fulfillment of the Old Testament in Christ, the problems of delay devolve into one:  the so-called delay of the parousia.  And here the first thing to say is that the failure of primal Christianity’s expectation of Christ’s immediate advent is a plausible reason not to believe the gospel that proclaimed it.  If after nearly two millennia we find that gospel so compelling that we continue to hope, we should acknowledge that such a hope speaks a great “nevertheless.”

Finnally, if we ask why the Lord is so slow, we may indeed adapt 2 Peter’s answer.  Those who write an dread this commentary should not complain that God did not end history millennia ago; he lingers to make room for us.

Jenson, Ezekial Commentary, 109-110.

Categories
Biblical Studies Early Christianity

The Bible Hunters

Last night I began watching a fascinating new show on the Smithsonian Channel, The Bible Hunters.  I thought this show was going to be about Biblical archaeology, but in fact it’s about textual criticism, paleography, and the discovery starting in the Victorian era of early textual variants of some of the New Testament texts along with previously lost non-canonical texts.  It’s amazing to realize how fragile the Bible’s textual tradition can be and to relive the combination of pluck and serendipity that led to the discovery of many early texts.  Unfortunately, the show is marred by a tinge of sensationalism, as though the discovery of these texts radically undermined millennia of tradition.

For example, the show’s webpage states that “until the 19th century, most Bible-reading Christians believed the Old and New Testaments represented the Divine Word of God, presented in text without error.”  The show suggests that the discovery of textual variants of some canonical texts rocked this conception of the Bible.

Well, I mean, sort of.  The only “Bible-reading” Christians prior to the 16th Century or so were educated elites, monks (who also were a kind of educated elite), and the like.  From the very early centuries of the Church, real elite students of the Bible (people like, say, Origen), recognized that the Bible was full of complexity, even at the grammatical level, and couldn’t always be read “literally.”  Yes, Origen and other pre-modern Christian theologians would have said the Bible is without error, but what they meant by that is not exactly what modern fundamentalists mean by it.  It was also not exactly what the Victorians who first made these modern textual discoveries would have thought about how to read the Bible.  So while the parts of the Victorian world may have been shocked by some of these discoveries, these discoveries would not have been nearly so complicating to many earlier generations of Christian scholars.  Indeed, those early scholars lived when the “lost” texts were in circulation, so they would not have been shocked at all. Effectively, even through to today, various forms of modern Biblical criticism have helped Christian theologians rediscover and redevelop earlier forms of hermeneutics that can affirm the divine inspiration of the text without wooden literalism.  Hardly a radical break with our past.

The show also suggests, ala the tired Da Vinci Code craze but in a more subdued fashion, that the presence of early non-canonical Gospels and other related texts reflect alternative Christian communities that were substantial rivals to what eventually came to be established as the “orthodox” branch of the Church.  In fact, it is true that a plethora of non-canonical texts, including some of the “Gnostic” gospels, were widely circulated alongside what came to be included in the canonical scriptures, but this doesn’t mean there were significant early Apostolic Christian movements that didn’t believe in the divinity or resurrection of Jesus.  It just means that — like today — there was lots of religious literature around and that there were always shades of viewpoints, with some running to extremes.  Here is how scholar Larry Hurtado — who is actually interviewed briefly on the show — has put it:

The general point I wish to make at this point is that, based on the nature of the remnants of the early manuscripts of the Gospel of Thomas and the Gospel of Mary, in neither case do we have any reason to link these copies with distinctive circles of Christians. That is, it would be dubious to posit a circle of ‘Thomas’ Christians or ‘Mary’ Christians as connected with these manuscripts. Indeed, I suggest that this should be taken as illustrative more widely of how apocryphal gospels functioned. There were obviously Christians who wrote these and other gospel-texts featuring figures such as Thomas and Mary, and there were obviously other Christians who enjoyed reading these texts, as reflected in the remnants of early
copies of them, and the subsequent translations of these and other such texts. But the features of the extant artefacts of the early reading and readers suggest that these texts were (typically?) copied for, and read by, individuals, the texts likely circulated and copied among those Christians who expressed an interest in them. As to the social connections of these individuals, at the most, we should probably imagine loose networks of sorts, rather than defined circles or sects of Christians.

L.W. Hurtado, Who Read the Christian Apocrypha?, online preprint from The Oxford Handbook of Early Christian Apocrypha, eds. A. Gregory & C. Tuckett (OUP, 2015), pp. 153-66.

So, I’ll probably watch some more episodes of this show, but it’s too bad that even the Smithsonian Channel needs to veer into the sensational and can’t quite stick with the more reserved and plodding work of documenting scholarship.

 

Categories
Biblical Studies Scripture

God's Concern for the Marginalized in the OT, Part 3: Joshua – 2 Kings

This post is from a paper I wrote for an Old Testament class at Wycliffe College.  The prompt was as follows:  Discuss God’s concern for the outsider (the poor, the widow, the orphan, the marginalized, etc.) in Genesis–2 Kings.

Here is Part 3:  Joshua – 2 Kings.

The theme of the marginalized and outsider in Joshua – 2 Kings presents the same meta-difficulty as does this theme in connection with the Law:  these are narratives that describe or presume military conquest and displacement of “native” people.  Once again, we can draw on the concept that Israel is the “marginalized” or “outsider” character in relation to the violent Canaanite nations and in relation to Babylon if parts of the final text are post-exilic.  This will not satisfy all our contemporary objections to the notion of herem warfare, but it is a fair characterization of the texts.

At the same time, these texts offer some wonderful micro-examples that demonstrate God’s concern for particular marginalized or “outsider” individuals.  A prime example is that of Rahab.  (See Joshua 2).  As the lecture notes on Rahab indicate, there is debate about whether Rahab was a “prostitute” / Madame or merely an innkeeper.  I think the former interpretation is most likely correct because it fits the canonical context of women who have been treated as prostitutes and then vindicated, including Dinah (Gen. 34:1-31); Tamar (Gen. 38:12-30); and the Levite’s concubine (Judges 19).  The example of Tamar is particularly interesting because of the motif of a “scarlet thread” (cf. Gen. 38:27-30; Joshua 2:17).  That one of the heroes of the conquest / historical narratives was a non-Jewish prostitute demonstrates vividly God’s concern for the outsider.

The Levite’s concubine is another basic example of this concern.  (Judges 19).  Indeed, I think the Levite’s concubine narrative is a paradigmatic text in the Hebrew Scriptures.  The story is complex because the concubine seems in some respect to have “deserved” her “outsider” status since she was “unfaithful” to her husband / master.  (Judges 19:1-2).  But there are hints that the husband / master might have also been at fault and perhaps was abusive or at least had treated her unfairly.  The fact that the woman returned to her father, who had the means to entertain the Levite and was able to persuade the Levite to accept four days of hospitality, suggests there are tribal or economic issues bubbling under the surface.  Perhaps the woman and her father were trying to persuade the Levite to make his “concubine” a “legitimate” or primary wife or to become a subsidiary part of the father-in-law’s household.

It seems, however, that the Levite would not agree.  (Judges 19:10).  The Levite departed from the concubine’s father’s house and then failed to protect the concubine while he was a guest at a Benjamite’s home.  (Judges 19:16-26).  Instead of feeling remorse and caring for the concubine’s burial after her abuse, the Levite cut her body into twelve pieces “and sent them into all the areas of Israel.”  (Judges 19:29-30), provoking a civil war between the other tribes of Israel and the Benjamites that culminated in atrocities by the Benjamites and the other tribes together against Jabesh Gilead.  (Judges 19:30 – 21:24).  The dénouement of this bizarre sequence of events is the familiar refrain:  “In those days Israel had no king; everyone did as he saw fit.”  (Judges 21:25).

The Levite’s concubine, I think, represents the poor and oppressed in Israel.  She is not herself perfect, but she presents the Levite – the representative of the Priestly class, tasked with ensuring that the law is kept – with an opportunity for reconciliation and mercy.  Instead, the Levite chooses a course of action that leads to violence and social fracture.  The Levite’s failure to care for an outcast, a scorned concubine, led to violence that prefigured the final dissolution of the nation.

After Judges in the Old Testament canon, the book of Ruth is a classic text regarding God’s concern for the outsider and marginalized.  Ruth determines to stay with her mother-in-law Naomi even though Ruth’s immediate fortunes undoubtedly would have risen had she returned to Moab after Naomi’s sons Mahlon and Kilion died.  (Ruth 1:1-18).  Ruth is then taken in by Boaz and becomes a link in the line of King David.  (Ruth 2:1 – 4:22).  The obvious lesson here is that God remembers and honors ordinary faithful people such as Ruth.  It is important to note, however, that Ruth also took advantage of the opportunities presented to her, not least when she took the provocative and perhaps sexually daring step of uncovering Boaz’s feet and sleeping in his presence.  (Ruth 3:1-18).  A further lesson might be that God expects everyone, even the poor and marginalized, to use whatever opportunities are provided to them.

1 Samuel is yet another example of God’s care for women who are socially marginalized because of childlessness.  (1 Sam. 1:1-19).  Hannah’s prayer after she dedicates Samuel to God’s service reflects this theme directly:

[The Lord] raises the poor from the dust
and lifts the needy from the ash heap;
he seats them with princes
and has them inherit a throne of honor.

(1 Sam. 2:8) (NIV).  Hannah’s prayer prefigures God’s choice of David as King.  David was an ordinary shepherd boy,  “ruddy, with a fine appearance and handsome features,” but not respected by his brothers.  (1 Sam. 16:12, 17:1-58) (NIV).  In 2 Samuel 9, David himself reenacts the truth of Hannah’s prayer by honoring Mephibosheth, the crippled son of Jonathan (and grandson of Saul) who was afforded an honored place at the King’s table.  (2 Sam. 9:1-13).

David’s story itself, however, soon becomes complicated.  In 2 Samuel 12, after David has committed adultery with Bathseeba and murdered her husband Uriah, the prophet Nathan confronts David with the parable of the poor man and his lamb.  (2 Sam. 12:1-7).  The remainder of 2 Samuel treats the rebellions against David by Absalom and Sheba, the revenge of the Gibeonites, and David’s legacy.  There are many difficulties in these texts for the theme of this paper, such as the fact that David handed over seven of Saul’s descendants to the Gibeonites “to be killed and exposed before the Lord….”  (2 Sam. 21:6).  Even in the context of this tribal vengeance practice, however, David spared Mephibosheth, and subsequently gave Saul, Jonathan, and those killed by the Gibeonites honored burials.  (2 Sam. 21:7-14).

1 Kings describes the rise of Solomon and the division of Israel and Judah after Solomon’s death.  Solomon famously began to follow other gods when his many non-Israelite wives and concubines led him astray in his old age, and this kindled God’s anger and set the stage for the united monarchy’s fall.  (1 Kings 11).  Solomon’s idolatry was linked to greed, which produced heavy burdens of taxation on the people.  His son Rehoboam followed in these footsteps and increased the quotas of forced labor, cementing the division of Israel and Judah.  (1 Kings 12).  This demonstrates once again the theme that failure to give proper worship to God is linked to exploitation of people without power, resulting in war and violence.

The last word, however, always belongs to God, and it is always a word of vindication.  This is one of the themes of the story of Naboth’s Vineyard, another longer narrative interlude in the cycles of rebellion and return throughout Judges, 1 and 2 Samuel, and 1 and 2 Kings.  (1 Kings 21).  King Ahab desired the vineyard of an apparently ordinary man, Naboth, ultimately resulting in Naboth’s murder through the scheming of Ahab’s wife, Jezebel.[1]  God pronounced judgment on Ahab of a particularly ugly sort – Ahab’s house would be destroyed and Jezebel would be eaten by dogs – although because of Ahab’s repentance God relented until after Ahab’s death in battle.  (1 Kings 21:20-29).

God’s judgments and deliverances in these texts are mediated by prophets, that is, by individuals chosen and gifted by God to speak truth to power.  The final vignette I will focus on in this paper is that of the resuscitation of the Shunammite’s Son by the great prophet Elisha.  (2 Kings 3:8-36).  The Shunammite was a wealthy woman who regularly housed Elisha.  (2 Kings 3:8-10).  Although she was wealthy, like so many other women profiled in these texts, she was barren, and God surprisingly provided her with a son.  (2 Kings 3:15-17).  Her son died, perhaps of a heat stroke.  (2 Kings 3:18-21).  Through Elisha, the boy was miraculously revived.  (2 Kings 4:28-37).  It is unclear whether this is a narrative of a “miracle” or of some sort of physical resuscitation, given the precise description of Elisha’s actions:  “mouth to mouth, eyes to eyes, hands to hands.”  (2 Kings 4:34) (NIV).

Looking back at this text with a post-Easter hermeneutic, there are obvious resonances with the death and resurrection of the Son of God and with the Christian resurrection hope.  Perhaps more immediate to the redactors of the story’s canonical form, the text offers hope to Israel that the nation might yet again live after the Exile.  Even though 2 Kings ends with the fall of Jerusalem (2 Kings 25), God will send His prophets to give the nation breath, sight, and strength once again.  From Genesis 1 through 2 Kings, the “outcast” and “marginalized” is Israel, the people whom God will never abandon.

[1] Since Naboth is known by name and the vineyard is a family inheritance, however, it seems that Naboth was relatively prosperous.  (See 1 Kings 21:1-3).